Thursday, March 19, 2009

The End of Blackness: Replicating Obama's Success in America Today

On January 20, 2008, Barack Obama will be sworn in as the 44th president of the United States of America –a momentous feat of epic proportion. So magical and miraculous is this impending achievement that it was unfathomable even as late as a year ago, before the primaries actually began. Even before Obama won Iowa, most people, including most blacks thought his run for the presidency was a journey to nowhere other than to contribute to the diversity of the Democratic Party’s primary contest. The shock from Obama’s remarkable accomplishment begs the question: why has he succeeded where so many others have failed? How did Obama get to this point of being on the verge of shattering the world’s greatest glass ceiling? There are two plausible scenarios here that could be gleaned from the rise of Barack Obama. On the one hand, we can dismiss his rise as a fluke or that this is a case of one man’s personal charm and unique qualities that has caught fire on a lucky break. But the second and the more apt explanation, in my view, is that Obama’s rise signals a new textbook approach on how a black person can navigate the stormy waters of American racially-based convoluted society.

A friend from Mozambique once remarked: “I find it difficult to understand why Black Americans like to say, ‘I’m proud that I am black’.” Of course, there is nothing wrong with being black, he snapped. This question might sound preposterous to a fault to somebody who knows and understands America’s racial history, but it highlights the emotional and psychological toll of racism on African Americans. That is why such self-uplifting slogans as “black is beautiful,” and “I am proud to be black” or “I am somebody” in Jesse Jackson parlance—became necessary. Thus, as part of the civil rights struggle in the 60’s, accentuating blackness and celebrating black pride became pertinent. The bitter, unflattering and disgraceful history of America when it comes to race made it very necessary for black folks to reaffirm and celebrate their blackness. And how was blackness reaffirmed? Blackness was asserted by reciting uplifting slogans, organizing protest marches to fight injustices, promoting good legislation to fight racism and fighting unjust laws in court.

There are elements of the bi-polar ends of this debate that still hold true and are reflected in everyday black life in America. The first and most controversial view that most blacks find abhorrent is that held by Shelby Steele and other Black conservatives. Their position is that the protest era is over, do away with protections including affirmative action, and get over the victimhood mentality. And gradually, there are increasing number of blacks who live their lives like that and frown on any type of black victim-based assertiveness or exclusivity. The other extreme is the Jesse Jackson-Al Sharpton model: nothing has changed; racism is still overt; more protections are necessary; leave affirmation alone; and black folks are still victims. They are known in some circles as the Grievance Group. While both sides of this debate have a point, the correct reflection in today’s America sits somewhere in the middle –and that is Barack Obama.

To put it more bluntly, Obama is the mid-point of these bi-polar extremes. He holds the liberal view that racism might be subtler now, but it is still real. And who can better comprehend the travails of the black underclass than a community organizer, who worked with and interfaced with poor inner city blacks in Chicago. No wonder he could sit through the protest --if not vituperative and controversial sermons-- of Reverend Wright. He supports a refined version of affirmative action because he believes some protections are still needed, but rejects blanket affirmative action especially for wealthy minorities. Simultaneously, Obama adopts a non-confrontational approach in his dealings with the white power structure in America. This was evident in his stint as the Harvard Law Review President, where he gained a reputation as a consensus builder, who could work with just about everybody, including ultra conservatives who held diametrically opposed views. He stresses work ethic and taking responsibility for one’s failures over victimhood sensibilities. Not too long ago, on his campaign trail, his speech chastising absentee black fathers won rave applause from the mainstream media, but it also ruffled some feathers within the traditional civil rights community.

Obama’s Formula
The secret behind Obama’s success which ought to be the gold standard approach for blacks in navigating the complex mainstream life in America can be summed up as follows: Obama’s sunny exterior, his conscious effort to downplay the issue of race, his ability to network multi-racially, and last but not least, his sense of comfort in his cultural and racial identity.

Sunny Exterior: Obama projects confidence and positivity, and his natural geniality serves as a charmed offensive that can disarm even the most avowed or ardent racist. Undoubtedly, this has been his key weapon in his presidential campaign trail. Traditionally, years of oppression and racism have had a subliminally sullen effect on many black people. As such we tend to appear more serious and uptight in a manner that can be construed as unfriendly. A more relaxed persona opens doors and it has won Obama many friends and votes on his way to the presidency.

Down Playing Race: Another positive attribute of Obama, is his ability to play down the issue of his race. On the campaign trail, even when he has the opportunity to label his opponents as racists, he held back, opting to disagree with them whilst insisting that he sees no racism. Obama has won the support of numerous whites by downplaying the issue of race. Race is always a sensitive, touchy subject that arouses emotions one way or the other, and one never wins with it. The race issue often makes whites uneasy and blacks defensive. Consequently, it is sometimes better to shun the issue of race than to indulge it. Regardless of one’s intentions, it is a subject that can ignite an uncontrollable conflagration. And with out a doubt, Obama appears to understand this danger and purposefully tries to downplay it as much as possible.

Networking: From his very early years as a college student, Obama established a vast and varied network of friends. As a Columbia University student, he had Pakistani friends and even made a trip to Pakistan. In Chicago, his extensive network went beyond the black community to include whites, Asians, Jews and Hispanics. And as a presidential candidate, his expansive network from Harvard has been invaluable to his campaign both in giving donations and sacrificing their time to help elect Obama. The law of probability posits that more is better; the more you do something, the higher your chances of success. If networking opens doors, then networking cross-racially will open even more doors. Networking across races is imperative for African-Americans, given that we control only a tiny portion of the American economic pie. Networking exclusively within the black community which many African Americans tend to do, limits our socio-economic opportunities.

Being himself whilst not over asserting his blackness: Obama has shown that one can be comfortable in asserting his blackness, or show comfort being black, without appearing defensive or being a turn-off. Being on the receiving end of America’s racial turbulence, many African-Americans tend to struggle with the issue of cultural or racial identity. For centuries and decades, it was almost a curse or pariah to be black or to be of African origin. This had the subliminal effect of racial diffidence among many people of African origin in America. And there is no question Obama, being a product of a biracial union, and growing up without a father really struggled with his identity. No wonder he changed his foreign sounding name Barack to Barry to feel more American and mainstream. Upon rediscovery of his blackness, he dropped Barry to Barack again. Given his ambition for politics, one would think he should have done the opposite and taken on a more mainstream sounding name. Overall, he has shown that he is at ease with his identity: After Harvard Law School, he passed up lucrative opportunities on Wall Street to work as a community organizer in an underserved black neighborhood. That sense of reassurance with his identity has served him well in his ability to work with the community outside the black community. It is that aura of confidence and comfort in his blackness that obviates the need to over assert his blackness and enjoy a healthy relationship with multiracial America.

America’s racial landscape has changed dramatically from the 60’s era when racism was more overt than subvert, when Jim Crow was alive and well, and when economic opportunities for blacks were limited. Today there are increased opportunities for blacks in almost every facet of American life, whether economical or socio-political, albeit problems remain on several fronts. For instance unemployment is still disproportionately higher for blacks, blacks are incarcerated at a higher than other groups, and the list goes on. This progress has in a way blunted non-white sensitivity to black complaints, and not surprisingly, more whites are now opposed to programs such as affirmative action, now than ever before. Thus aggressively projecting or asserting blackness –which was more accommodating in 1968-- can elicit scorn rather than sympathy in 2008. So Obama’s moderated but firm and sunny approach, works well in today’s America. And that is what blacks may have to emulate for greater success in the most competitive society on earth. You can’t argue against success.

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